The president of the United States appears ready to deal by means of violence or by putting diplomatic and political pressure on a wide range of organisations and countries that jeopardise Washington’s hegemonic ambitions.
Roberto García Hernández
His threats against Iran, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Venezuela, Syria, Russia, China and also the Islamic State (IS), Boko Harem and the Taliban movement in Afghanistan, are backed by military power, media campaigns and various different forms of pressures against these ‘adversaries’.
Recent reports indicate that the United States has more than 600 military facilities of all kinds, and around 180,000 soldiers in 140 countries, on different types of combat missions, but need a civilian and military leadership to carry out their functions.
Similar tasks are carried out by naval forces in overseas conflict regions –in particular, aircraft carrier attack groups – as well as aviation, marine corps and Pentagon intelligence services in close coordination with the CIA and other intelligence bodies.
Few experts call into question the capabilities of US national power to carry out its aggressive and hegemonic intentions, and its lack of qualms when It comes to using force.
However, Trump’s untraditional role as president of the world’s leading economic and military power puts his subordinates in a difficult position in carrying out his plans and raises real ‘walls’ that will impede their achievements.
Scandals and contradictions
The succession of scandals that affect the leader and the instability of his national security team are just the tip of the iceberg of much more serious issues that hinder the functioning of the Government.
The presentation on 8 June of former FBI Director James Comey, whom Trump expelled from office on 9 May, before the Senate Intelligence Committee, was additional proof that the Administration is in ‘chaos’.
Comey called the chief of the Oval Office a liar and slandered him after he was fired on the pretext that he mismanaged the investigation into the emails of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and allegedly lost the confidence of his subordinates.
According to Peter Bake, an analyst for The New York Times, Comey’s testimony was almost certainly the most egregious accusation of a senior official against a President ‘for a generation’.
For other specialists, this confrontation will have negative consequences and an unpredictable impact on the president’s work over the next months and years, if he is able to rid himself of a Watergate-style lawsuit.
The contradictions of the chief of the White House, the intelligence community and federal agencies key to the achievement of overseas missions, are building another wall which is impeding communication essential for completing work expected of his team.
Some experts highlight that the President does not have the slightest idea of what it means to run a country like the United States, and this increases the importance of the role of his advisors, although he does not always obey them.
Lost aircraft carriers and the crisis in Qatar
The disorder reaches such a point that it leads to the carelessness of senior US officials in the international arena with respect to a lack of communication and coordination.
Such is the case of when Trump announced the deployment of a powerful group of ships to the vicinity of the Korean peninsula led by the USS Carl Vinson aircraft carrier, when it was in fact, participating in military drills more than six thousand kilometres in the opposite direction.
Also in the middle of a campaign against the Islamic State (Daesh) in Syria and Iraq, when he most needed the support of unconditional allies in the Middle East, Trump did not –or could not – take advantage of his recent meeting with leaders of more than 55 nations in the area.
Experts on the troubled region of the Levant say that talks between the chief of the Oval Office and king Salman bin Abdulaziz of Saudi Arabia during his visit to Riyadh were crucial at the beginning of the crisis around Qatar, although there are most certainly other problems in the background.
According to the American journalist, Fareed Zakaria, Trump returned from the said visit convinced that he had unified Washington’s historical allies in the area, struck a blow to terrorism and calmed the waters of an ungovernable region, but what he actually did was ‘give a green light to the aggressive and sectarian foreign policies of Riyadh’.
On the 5 June, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain announced they had cut diplomatic, consular, air, land and sea relations with Qatar, as the country was seen to be threatening the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council nations by supporting and promoting terrorism and having close ties with Iran.
Trump himself said on 10 June in Washington D.C., that the Doha authorities finance terrorism at a very high level and urged for this support to stop.
This crisis even puts at risk operations being carried out against the Islamic State by the US-led military coalition, which was recognised by Secretary of State Rex Tillerson.
The Pentagon maintains its largest facility in the Middle East, with about 11,000 troops, at Al Udeid Air Base, about 35 kilometres southwest of Doha, from which it can operate up to 120 military aircrafts.
This is also the location of the Combined Air Operations Center, which guarantees command and control of American aviation actions in Syria, Afghanistan and 18 other nations.
Perhaps it is Republican senator Lindsey Graham who gives a more accurate picture of what happens to the chief of the White House, noting in an interview on 8 June which took place on the CBS television show This Morning, that the problem is that half of what Trump is doing is done badly.
Thus, it is with these average mistakes, that the real estate tycoon turned President hopes to face the world and impose an international order based on the measure of his whims. (Prensa Latina)
(Translated by Sydney Sims, firstname.lastname@example.org)