The duty of self-criticism among the new left

The left has managed – with progress and setbacks – to make a reality of the traditional slogan “expropriate the expropriators” which was part of the essence of the workers’ movement’s origins. The other slogan, removing political power from the bourgeoisie, was possible through historic revolutions such as the Russian and Chinese revolutions and, in the Latin American area, the Cuban revolution.

Juan Diego García

In the metropolitan world there were no revolutions that left the bourgeoisie without power but there were significant achievements like the so-called welfare state with political advances and limitations on property.

The anti-colonial struggles on the system’s periphery also achieved advances in property and political power.

A critical reading of these experiences – communist, social democrat and anti-colonial – should be an urgent task for the current left with the aim of structuring a programme that encompasses these experiences and serves to build a model appropriate for current demands.

Undoubtedly, the communist left has key questions to explain the fall of the so-called “really existing socialism”, no less than the vitality of China’s “market socialism”. Social democracy, for its part, which neither now nor before aimed to promote revolutions, ought to explain the reasons why its parties, no less than its social bases, ended up favouring reformism and have given in on so many fronts to the neo-liberal model. The left’s new tendencies must start by recognising that a good part of their slogans are as old as the workers movement itself (the defence of nature and gender rights, among others) and that their challenge is to shape how to proceed to achieve the society they aspire to.

The vision of the world imposed by capitalism continues in many ways to be part of the mentality of the social majorities, precisely those called to be the protagonists of change.

Beyond “expropriating the expropriators” (as far as is possible and sensible) or removing political power from the bourgeoisie (totally or partially depending on what the balance of forces allows), it is essential to promote the battle of ideas, to progress with the theoretical and practical foundations of a new social order that replaces capitalism.

Fighting xenophobia and racism (so present in all cultures and so useful to the capitalist narrative, especially in its forms of new fascism), harmonising the rational defence of the elements that make up nationality itself with the values of solidarity and universal feeling, of internationalism, are spheres of culture where it is necessary to promote new values.

The challenge of overcoming magic thought – in all its forms – and its replacement by rationalism is without doubt a permanent task to give a real basis to individual and collective emancipation. At the start of the Bolshevik revolution the battle of ideas was considered and had very interesting proposals. But for various reasons it was postponed. It is not surprising that its education system was successful in what can be termed “technical knowledge”, that is, in training a people to be able to take on the task of industrialisation.

But the struggle between rationalism and magic thought did not really take off and traditional values in critical spheres were maintained.

Other decisive concepts are “responsibility” (individual and collective) to take on domestic tasks in a revolutionary way, the relationship with the community (local and national) and the necessary commitment in the workplace.

A daily shape has to be given to a new culture that serves precisely as an element for emancipation. Fighting growing bureaucracy in parties, unions and other mass organisations is a very current challenge. And a division of work between administration and execution must be harmonised appropriately, while it is not possible to eliminate or drastically reduce the differences in training that separate manual from intellectual work.